Saturday, July 26, 2008

A Socialist's Reading of Hayek

Jesse Larner of Dissent Magazine gives her thoughts on Friedrich Hayek's The Road to Serfdom, describing his arguments about institutional interference in economics as "merely obvious" and faulting him for not addressing the "more libertarian" forms of socialism like those of Rosa Luxembourg and Pierre-Joseph "Property is theft!" Proudhon. I admit that that's a rather hostile description of the article and A Secondhand Conjecture did find nice things to say about Larner's review, but the tone of his analysis is just plain rude. I might write that way about Marx or Bakunin in a blog post to let off steam, but in a professional venue, how about some professionalism?

As far as his actual arguments go, Larner's championing of forms of spontaneous collectivism like the kibbutzim doesn't make much sense to me since these businesses are often dependent upon state support and, in the present day, have gradually taken on the character of non-collective businesses or failed entirely. Larner states that Hayek's failure to consider these alternative socialist possibilities indicates how narrow his definition of socialism was. This seems to be untrue on its face. Hayek began The Road to Serfdom with a statement of his intent to analyze a particular form of socialism, saying that many who identify as socialists do so with an entirely different conception of socialism from the one which he meant to discuss. You can't fault a man's argument for being limited when he begins by marking out limits.

Larner does end up making a couple of interesting statements. One:
Hayek doesn’t seem to grasp that human beings can exist both as individuals and as members of a society, without necessarily subordinating them to the needs of an imposed social plan (although he acknowledges that the state can legitimately serve social needs, he contradictorily views collective benefits as incompatible with individual freedom). He rejects the very concept of social justice, for much the same reasons that he rejects the arbitrary valuation of labor: in Hayek’s view there is no way to put an objective value on a grievance or to weigh it against other claims. And because he locates all responsibility and agency only at the level of the individual, he sees no way in which any claim can be generalized to society. Hayek’s political philosophy recognizes only negative rights. Positive fulfillment beyond the most basic needs is a matter of individual striving.
The first sentence doesn't really make sense as an argument (most people would agree that individualism is compatible with membership in a society) unless you regularly read socialist theory, after which it all strangely starts to make sense, or unless you understand that Larner thinks membership in a society entails adherence to an ideal of social justice. And social justice means what? Um, here it seems to mean collective responsibility for the redress of individual grievances. Individual grievances like what? Uh, a lack of positive fulfilment that is somehow related to a person's economic condition. Okay, I give up; if he's not talking about the same kind of collectivist socialism that Hayek's critiques in The Road to Serfdom, then I'm just not following.

Two:
Hayek’s solution is to deny the legitimacy of any movement to impose restraint on competition. The paradox is that forming spontaneous associations for the collective good of insiders seems to be a universal human activity. When individuals are free to make choices, this is invariably what they choose to do.
Yes, that is what they choose to do and it can lead to such wonderful social and business organizations as clans and cartels. If there are "insiders" who benefit from restraints on competition, then there are also "outsiders" who suffer from those restraints. Humans want to build these privileged associations and other humans want to tear them down. Free markets balance this building and tearing down while maximizing the benefits of these processes for all participants by allowing them to move freely between the inside and the outside of economic associations.

The article ends with a rather unncessary dig---"The ineptitude of Hayek’s title suggests the shallowness with which he has considered patterns of collective life in human societies"---and the depiction of Hayek fans as prophet-worshippers, concluding: "The rest of us, I hope, have learned to be wary of prophets." Wary, yes, but we should also be aware that all men are prophets in their way and the least we can give them is a respectful hearing.

4 comments:

Minos said...

That she finds his arguments about government institutions meddling in the economy "merely obvious" means two things. First, she lacks any historical context of the economic beliefs that held sway in the 1940s, at which time Hayek was dismissed as an utter crank, and second, that the ideas that Hayek put forth in the book have become so successful that even in Dissent they appear axiomatic. It's a bit like reading the Principia, and pronouncing Newton's Laws "obviously true". Yes. Yes they are. Now.

I'm a little less confident that spontaneous collectivism is so doomed. I think it was doomed in 1945, but I think that the Second Coming of the Printing Press (aka Teh Internets) is making coordination much easier, and is allowing for "ridiculously easy group formation". We're seeing non-commercial endeavors of a truly terrific size and value appearing now, from Wikipedia (how does Blogger's spellcheck not know 'Wikipedia'?!) to Linux to Flikr. I don't think it's the end of capitalism, but I think we're going to see a lot more spontaneous commune formation in the internet era than was ever possible in the printing press era.

I'm not sure whether the last laugh belongs to the capitalists or the socialists if I'm right. It means that Hayek and Smith were right about Spontaneous Order and The Invisible Hand, but that the socialists were right that you could do big things outside of the money system.

So far, the (mostly progressive) prophets of Web 2.0 don't seem to be aware that they are rediscovering the Hayekian-Smithian wheel, and the (mostly conservative and libertarian) free marketeers don't seem to have noticed that the Web 2.0 folks have stumbled over "emergent order". They'd both probably be shocked if they knew.

Lex said...

Well done, Amy. Thanks for that.

PrestoPundit said...

I haven't read Jesse's article (I've wasted way too much of my life 4th and 5th rate stuff written on Hayek).

But her ignorance of Hayek's work is indicated by the very notion that Hayek hasn't consider the place of "collectivist" enterprises within a liberal order. His _Law, Legislation, and Liberty_ just starts to scratch the surface on such matters, but he does address the place of "alternative 'socialist' possibilities" within an extended liberal order. In fact, when Hayek discusses such things, he usually bends over backwards to be kind, and leaves out most the most obvious problems empirical experience has made plain over the last 150 years.

"Larner states that Hayek's failure to consider these alternative socialist possibilities"

Amy Peterson said...

Minos, you might be right about the internet opening possibilities for spontaneous economic collectivism, but I'm not sure what that would look like. Larner, at least, was talking about kibbutzim and other businesses where administrative decisions are made collectively by employees. I don't see how the interweb would solve the problems inherent in that situation, unless it somehow managed to create a decentralized and collectivist business model that we haven't seen yet. It could happen.